New Social movements: A Case Study of emerging Environmental movements Abstract The term modern social movements is used to describe movements that were active in France in the late 1960s through collective action in the social sphere. The most important new social movements are the civil rights movement, the women's movement, the peace movement and the environmental movement. The rapid growth of industrial and capitalist societies, regardless of environmental degradation, has created many problems. The most important problems are soil erosion, resource reduction, ozone depletion, greenhouse effects, extinction of animal and plant species and various types of soil and climate pollution. The combination of these factors has provided the basis for the formation and activation of environmental movements. The present paper tries to answer the question of how emerging environmental movements can be analyzed in the form of new social movements? And what are their effects on new social movements? Therefore, with the qualitative interpretive method, and the method of case studies, it examines the nature and why of emerging environmental movements. The research findings show that environmental crises and the need to solve environmental problems that have become a pervasive and global crisis, have provided the basis for the formation, activity and impact of emerging environmental movements. Therefore, in order to deal with the existing crises, emerging environmental movements first informed and increased public awareness, and then created pro-environmental organizations and groups, and finally, by entering In the field of politics, and using new tools and methods, they have expressed their demands and protests in a peaceful and non-violent way, in order to force governments to respond and finally enter directly into The field of politics as influential groups and political parties in the field of public policy. As a result, the volume and scope of social power and the political influence of emerging environmental movements have led to the revitalization and enrichment of new social movements; in a way that today they can be identified and analyzed as powerful social forces and influential actors in the field of political sociology. Keywords: New Social movements, emerging Environmental movements, Social Forces, Methods of Action, Political Nature.

Encyclopedia of new religious movements edited by Peter B. Clarke provides a truly engaging and authentic view of the emerging religious movements on a background of the universe. This encyclopedia, containing 428 articles from leading academics, studies the remarkable examples of religious movements emerging in each continent. Clarke as an editor has written a higher income as "New Religions as a global phenomenon", a "Resource guide of NRM" and a useful article entitled "Typology of new religions" in this encyclopedia. This encyclopedia is a leading, research, updating, important, and valuable reference for academic libraries. However, the encyclopedia suffers from some disadvantages, among which we can refer to apparent contradictions in Index, the incidence of historical errors, print, etc., in its context and putting NRM identified with the Cults, sects, and counter-culture groups

emerging mysticism is a concept that, like all concepts in the humanities, does not have a clear and concise definition, but as a general definition, we can say that emerging mysticism belongs to groups of spiritualists who after the 1800s, especially in the 1960s, based on elements of modernity, especially humanism. Secularism, instrumental rationality, etc. are formed and claim to make contemporary human beings happy and prosperous by psychic means. Given that there is a fundamental challenge between the positive identities of these modern spiritualities with the Islamic-Iranian identity of the country and in fact the Islamic Revolution, lack of proper understanding and knowledge of this phenomenon can have consequences for the future of the Islamic Revolution, because spirituality emerging from the foundations of the liberal democratic system with a soft and creepy movement seek to secularize spirituality, which in turn is in direct opposition to the divine spirituality originated from pure Islam and the Islamic Revolution, the growth and influence of these groups in the long run according to To the deviation that unknowingly creates in the mind of the audience of spirituality, it can affect the identity of individuals and damage religious beliefs, therefore, its recognition and management is necessary and only in the light of insight. This article is to show the consequences of emerging spiritualities in making the divine and Iranian identity of the Islamic Revolution impossible (goal) and uses the method of description and analysis (method).

AbstractObjective: In the present study, the subject of scenarios of the effect of new emerging movements on the Islamic Republic of Iran in the fifth decade of the Islamic Revolution was studied with the aim to Identify future studies about the most important social new emerging movements in Iranian society and the effects of these movements that will be happened in the fifth decade of the Islamic Revolution in form of the scenarios.Method: Semi-structured interviews with elites as well as the new scenario method (critical uncertainties) were used to achieve the goals by document analysis research method.Findings: two cases of drivers (Democracy Movement and New Lifestyle Movement) which were more important according to the elites, were selected by recognition of the drivers and the existing uncertainties which four scenarios were proposed.Conclusion: In this resarch according to the uncertainties in relation to each of the drivers that two scenarios refers to making important and fundamental changes by drivers and two scenarios refers to the control of the consequences of these drivers by the system of the Islamic Republic. Keywords: emerging movements, Scenario, Islamic Revolution, Islamic Republic.

Background and objective: Over the last few decades, social movements have raised variety forms of collective behavior, which is in terms of objectives, nature and method of campaign totally different from classic movements. The new approach is concentrated on such a type of power which is described by Steven Lukes as “Third dimension of power”. The power has a different and new nature based on mentality processing and satisfaction. The type of vast cultural and social changes taken place in Iran, especially in megapolises. Meanwhile, expansion of communications has provided proper circumstances for formation of movements like this. The present research aims at identifying aspects of these movements and surveying the level of their tendency toward soft power. The basic question raised here is: “To what extent is the level of social movements approach oriented toward third power (soft power)?”Material: The research is of descriptive-survey type. A questionnaire based on Likert scale was used for collecting data from 72 commanders and managers who have had close relationship with social movements, in terms of its relevance with their professions. The samples were randomly selected in clusters.Findings: The research findings indicated that over the last few decades in Iran, social movements have had tendency toward third power (soft power). The movements have been oriented toward becoming cultural, value-based, satisfactory and avoiding violence. They have basically used some specific tools such as media, art, symbolism, etc. for displaying their objectives, and campaign. Therefore, their control and management should be fulfilled while taking into consideration these realities.

emerging sects and emerging religious movements in Iran, called Jamna, refer to a set of sects and groups that recruit members from different walks of life, especially young people, to work in the field of spirituality and new mysticism. This study aims to answer the question of what are the most important security-disciplinary consequences of these sects and how can the challenges arising from them be managed in the field of security and law enforcement issues. Method The present study was performed using analytical-descriptive method and using content analysis of documents. Findings of the research: emerging religious sects are disrupting social order and security due to conflicts in values and norms with official religion and social order. Differences in devotion to the leader and the particular organization initially conflict with social values and norms, and provide the basis for many moral and social crimes and offenses. Conclusion In general, new sects or intellectual movements, with eclectic doctrinal and professional principles, are fundamentally outside the framework of legal protections. These sects and movements, or other similar currents, have at times disrupted the fabric of a country or created many problems for its progress. It is necessary to take basic measures and strategies against emerging sects and intellectual movements. Identifying the grounds, factors and centers of threat and adopting appropriate security and intelligence solutions to deal with them, designing a comprehensive military and military method for reviving and implementing religious and social values, anticipating effective security mechanisms And monitoring the development and expansion of socio-cultural activities of law enforcement units can be among the deterrent measures of law enforcement in the face of these sects.

AbstractIn recent years we have witnessed kinds of collective actions that have intensely represented characteristics of new social movements (such as weak organization, lack of leadership, and non-ideological orientation), called bio-movement and non-movement. What is the nature of such activism and its effects on democratic transformation? As a response, the paper hypothesizes that social bio-movement and non-movements can be considered micro-politics of resistance which might facilitate the democratic transformation (whether democratization or democracy). But their definite and permanent effect takes place by gradually imposing their demands on the ruling bio-political relations. To justify the hypothesis, the paper takes advantage of a combinative framework constituted of some conceptions in the late socio-political theories (postmodern and late modern theories). Three elements of this conceptual apparatus are “life politics” (Anthony Giddens), Rhizome theory (Gilles Deleuze), and the duality of “democratic and popular demands” (Ernesto Laclau and Chantel Mouffe). The finding implies the fact that although democratic transformation entails moving from the passive action of self-expressivism (resisting institutional rigidity) to the active action of creating a collective narration (mutating from passive solidarity into a counter-hegemonic movement), bio-movements and non-movements grounds for a democratic transformation in a long time by direct expressing of their demands. The present paper organizes the library-based data in a descriptive-analytical way.Keywords: Social Non-movements, Bio-movements, Micro-politics, Life Politics, Passive Solidarity, Democracy. 1. IntroductionFrom the late 20th century, we have witnessed the emergence of new social movements, born out of decreasing public trust in the institutional structures of representative systems (parliaments and parties) to represent the diverse demands of contemporary pluralistic societies. Unlike classic social movements, these are spontaneous collective actions without centralized organization or prominent leadership, which have become the basis for protest behaviors. In recent years, due to globalization (especially the expansion of communication technologies), we have seen examples that prominently exhibit these characteristics. Experts have chosen to refer to these movements with new terms such as “non-movements” and “bio-movements”. These terms, on one hand, point to the differences in the components of these actions compared to conventional social movements, and on the other hand, indicate their inevitable classification as “a kind of movement” capable of playing a role in social and political transformations, regardless of the type of political regime (democratic, semi-democratic, authoritarian). The importance of such research lies in its ability to assess the global spread of these types of movements and their implications for political processes, beyond case studies of the failed experiences.  2. Materials and MethodAnalyzing the relationship between non-movements, life movements, and democratic transformation requires a conceptual framework that encompasses the nature, style of action, and agency of this type of collective action. - Life Politics: Micro-politics of Resistance against GovernmentalityConsidering Michel Foucault’s notion that “where there is power, there is resistance” and its political expansion by Laclau and Mouffe (redefining the political as the sphere of social conflicts over creating hegemony for desired norms), new social movements can be seen as the actions of the “others” of hegemonic discourse and the dominant order. According to Anthony Giddens, these actions are not framed within “emancipatory politics” but rather as “life politics,” which seek to pursue their own meaning of life, setting aside the grand emancipatory ideals of ideologies.- Rhizomatic Structure, Fluidity, and FacelessnessThese collective actions exemplify Gilles Deleuze’s concept of “rhizomatic” thinking. Unlike tree-like thinking, which involves linear, vertical, and hierarchical connections, rhizomatic thinking suggests horizontal, multiple, and holistic interactions. Similarly, rhizomatic actions reflect a non-centralized movement that is everywhere and nowhere at the same time. These actions are in a state of constant “becoming,” resembling a nomadic existence that doesn’t align with limitation and stagnation.- Democratic and Popular DemandsThe mechanism of agency in this type of action can be explained through Ernesto Laclau’s concept of “demand,” ranging from requests to claims. When the logic of equivalence among diverse and separate demands emerges, two types of demands resonate in society simultaneously: distinct demands under the “logic of difference,” termed “democratic demands,” and a multitude of demands under the “logic of equivalence,” forming a broader social subjectivity known as “popular demands,” which gradually shape the people as a historical actor. 3. Discussion The micro-politics of social non-movements have emerged in a context described by terms like postmodernity and globalization. The collapse of meta-narratives, the proliferation of little-narratives, de-ideologization, individualization, and free communication in a networked society characterize this era. In such an environment, the dominance of technocracy and bureaucracy over the participatory nature of representative democracies has led to the discrediting of the representative system and the emergence of micro-politics as a new form of political action. This new form embodies life politics, expressive political belief, and direct action.The term “social non-movements,” which are bio-movements, refers to passive networks of micro-political resistance. This type of action represents the politics of presence as a silent struggle, direct action of spontaneous passive networks in everyday life, and bio-political resistance of the marginalized.The impact of this type of action on transformation within the “institutional structure” depends on variables such as the mutation from non-movement to movement, the structure of political opportunities, and how actors interact with institutional politics. However, this does not negate the “trickle-down effects” of the micro-political actions of non-movements and social life movements. These actions act as new agents of democratization, recognizing the loopholes for action and representing the power of the multitude.The theory of social non-movement explains how a passive group of people becomes active citizens (a social movement) attempting to overthrow the dominant regime through confrontational politics. This theory highlights that real struggle (even silent and individual) has always been ongoing among many people. In other words, social mobilization has been forming beforehand and only becomes organized opposition politics during suitable political opportunities (such as internal conflicts, crises, international pressure, wars, etc.). 4. ConclusionDemocratic transformation requires reviewing the successes and failures in confronting authoritarianism and studying various forms of collective action in the present era. The transition from protest to democratic order can take multiple paths: from classic revolutionary and reformist movements focused on macro-politics (government institutions) to new social movements centered on micro-politics (defending identity and life against the norms and systems of political life). Thus, all possible scenarios of societal transformation cannot be reduced to a binary of classic reformist or revolutionary action, thereby neutralizing political imagination.Considering the distinction between “the political” (the conflict of discourses over creating hegemony for norms) and “politics” (the institutionalization of a norm resulting from the temporary hegemony of a discourse), the direct, spontaneous, dispersed, and non-ideological actions of bio-movements and social non-movements can be effective because they aim to transcend structural rigidity. In democratic systems, such actions serve as opportunities to make technocratic-bureaucratic liberal democracies more participatory. In authoritarian regimes, the emphasis on self-chosen norms acts as micro-resistance actions that gradually contribute to democratization, especially considering that in the absence of organized civil society (due to governmental dominance), these uncontrolled actions are the only means of social agency.

In recent decades, we have witnessed the emergence of various social movements in Western liberal democracies. These movements have their roots in a crisis of representation, which refers to the gap between citizens' aspirations and decision-making institutions in representative democracies. The aim of the present study is to investigate this crisis and conduct a comparative analysis of the characteristics of two dominant types of movements that have emerged in response to this crisis. The main question of the article is to explore the similarities and differences between late social movements in Western liberal democracies. In response, the hypothesis of the article posits that in circumstances where the emergence of new social and populist movements in the West can be viewed in response to the crisis of representation in the institutional structure of Western liberal democracies, these two types of movements differ in terms of ideology, organization, leadership, and perception of an ideal political society. To justify this hypothesis, a combined conceptual framework is employed, consisting of the elements of "politics of identity" and the dualism of pluralism and unity. According to this framework, the common element of late social movements can be identified as an "identity concern" stemming from the elitist structure of liberal democracy. However, due to differences in their interpretation of the "ideal society, " these movements differ in their characteristics and implications for the democratic system. The research method of the article is descriptive-analytical, and data is collected based on the study of library resources and online databases.

Background: In the 21st century, the world has been facing several emerging viral epidemics. These viruses are divided into two categories, including emerging viruses and re-emerging viruses. Factors, such as climate change, global warming, and some eating habits will have irreversible effects on human, animal, and environmental ecosystems. These emerging or re-emerging infectious diseases have significant effects on the world economy and health. The peak of this type of infectious disease appeared in the 1980s with a viral epidemic called human immunodeficiency viruses (HIV). These emerging or recurring viruses have affected both livestock and humans. There is evidence that these emerging or re-emerging viruses, influenced by the environment and the human diet are also affected by climatic cultures. Therefore, it would be possible to identify the center areas for the emergence or re-emergence of these viral diseases. In this review article, it has been attempted to identify world resources and the way we should be prepared for a confrontation with these deadly viruses through the study of these epidemics, emerging, and re-emerging viruses, since the mutated viral infections may emerge and re-emerge in the near future. For this review study, the keywords, including COVID-19, Coronavirus, SARS-COV2, Influenza virus (H1N1), Zika virus, HIV1 virus, Hanta virus, Ebola, Influenza (H5N1), Nipah, Hendra, West Nile fever, SARS-COV1, MERS-CoV were collected in PubMed, Scopus, Google Scholar, and other reputable databases.

Objective(s): To study the prevalence of Stereotypic movements (SM) in children. Methods: Using a multistage sampling method, we selected 300 children from 13 day care centers and primary schools in Urmia (Western Azerbaijan Province). Data collection involved parent interviews in the presence of the children. Results: Three hundreds children (167 boys and 133 girls) were included in the study. Nearly 50% (149 out of 300) had one type of SM. The prevalence of different type of stereotypic movements were as follows: bruxism 16%, head banging 13%, hair pulling 8%, nail biting 7% and thumb sucking 6%; each of the affected subjects had only one type of SM .There were not any significant relationships between sex and various SM varieties- except for head banging, which was more common in boys (P<0.001). There were no significant associations between parents’ education or occupation and the presence of any type of SM (P> 0.05).Conclusion: The prevalence of Stereotypic movements is high in children. To confirm the findings more comprehensive studies are recommended.